, 1997), 233–38.
7. 民主制和人权推动了人们为实现全球变革采取行动。在此意义上，事实证明它们的内涵和适用性比跟在军队后面迫使他人皈依的宗教教义更灵活。毕竟不同国家人民的民主意愿可以带来极其不同的结果。
8. Labeeb Ahmed Bsoul,International Treaties (Mu had t)in Islam: Theory and Practice in the Light of Islamic International Law(Siyar)According to Orthodox Schools (Lanham,Md.: University Press of America,2008), 117.
9. Khadduri,Islamic Law of Nations, 12.See also Bsoul,International Treaties,108–9.
10. See James Piscatori, “Islam in the International Order,” inThe Expansion of International Society, ed. Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 318–19; Lewis,Middle East, 305; Olivier Roy,Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Ummah (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 112 (on contemporary Islamist views); Efraim Karsh,Islamic Imperialism: A History (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2006), 230–31. But see Khadduri,War and Peace in the Law of Islam, 156–57 (on the traditional conditions under which territory captured by non-Muslims might revert to being part ofdar al-harb).
11. An analysis of this schism and its modern implications may be found in Vali Nasr,The Shia Revival: How Conflicts Within Islam Will Shape the Future (New York: W. W. Norton, 2006).
12. Brendan Simms,Europe: The Struggle for Supremacy from 1453 to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 2013), 9–10; Black,History of Islamic Political Thought, 206–7.
13. 在英语里它们被误称为“降书”，不是因为奥斯曼帝国在任何一点上“屈从了”，而是因为这些文件被分为章节或条款（拉丁文是capitula）。
14. 1526年2月，苏莱曼答覆法国的弗朗西斯。Roger Bigelow Merriman, Suleiman the Magnificent, 1520–1566 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1944), 130. See also Halil Inalcik, “The Turkish Impact on the Development of Modern Europe,” in The Ottoman State and Its Place in World History, ed. Kemal H. Karpat (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974), 51–53; Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (New York: Penguin Books, 1955), 152.大约500年后，在一段双边关係紧张时期，土耳其总理埃尔多安出于礼节送给法国总统萨科齐一份这封信的复印件，但抱怨说：“我觉得他没看这封信。”Today’s Zaman, December 23, 2011.
15. 1853年，据说俄国沙