改造伊拉克时将采取的战略。不过，只要还是忽略多边背景，这场争论及其对将来违反国际不扩散原则行为的意义也将模糊不清。
46. William J. Clinton, Statement on Signing the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998, October 31, 1998.
47. Remarks by the President at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, D.C., November 6, 2003.
48. Peter Baker,Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House(New York: Doubleday, 2013), 542.
49. Ibid., 523.
50. George Shultz, “Power and Diplomacy in the 1980s,”Washington, D.C., April 3, 1984,Department of State Bulletin, vol. 84, no. 2086 (May 1984), 13.
第九章 技术、均衡和人的意识
1. For a review of these theoretical explorations, see Mi插el Gerson, “The Origins of Strategic Stability: The United States and the Threat of Surprise Attack,” inStrategic Stability: Contending Interpretations, ed. Elbridge Colby and Mi插el Gerson (Carlisle, Pa: Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press, 2013); Mi插el Quinlan,Thinking About Nuclear Weapons: Principles, Problems, Prospects (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
2. See 插pter 6.
3. 关于1973年中东危机中美国的“核戒备”，已经有许多着述。实际上，其主要目的是让常规部队（第六舰队和一个空降师）进入戒备状态，以应对勃列日涅夫在致尼克森的信中所发出的威胁，即他将派苏联部队赴中东作战。战略部队战备状态的升级是边际性的，莫斯科很可能根本就没有注意到。
4. C. A. Mack, “Fifty Years of Moore’s Law,”IEEE Transactions on Semiconductor Manufacturing 24, no. 2 (May 2011): 202–7.
5. For mostly optimistic reviews of these developments, see Rick Smolan and Jennifer Erwitt, eds.,The Human Face of Big Data(Sausalito, Calif.: Against All Odds, 2013); and Eric Schmidt and Jared Cohen,The New Digital Age: Reshaping the Future of People, Nations and Business (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2013). For more critical perspectives, see Jaron Lanier,Who Owns the Future? (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2013); Evgeny Morozov,The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom (New York: PublicAffairs, 2011); andTo Save Everything, Click Here: The Folly of Technological Solutionism (New York: PublicAffairs, 2013).
6. 诺伯特·维纳在其1948年的着作《控制论》中引入了“网络”这个词，指一种沟通节点，不过所指的是人与人之间而不是计算机与计算机之间。接近当前用法的“网络